Australian National Identity and the Intersection of Race and Ethnicity

The people of Australia are incredibly diverse, with many different languages and origins. One topic that sparks public sociological discussion is the interplay of race, ethnicity, and national identity. In this perspective, the intersection suggests a connection between or interaction between racial and ethnic identity and national identity. In order to explore this relationship, the essay defines race, ethnicity, and national identity before giving examples of how these concepts interact in the context of Australia.

In the past, the meaning of the word "race" has changed from one culture to another even occasionally (Brown, p. 71). Past theories have categorized race based on skin color, ethnicities and geographical locations. In the recent time, the term is less attributed to family ties and ancestry and instead more associated with the physical characteristics of a person. The past race classification criteria have been abandoned in recent times in favor of socially constructed perception of race and racialization. The new theory assumes impossibility of identifying race biologically. Instead, racialization in the society develops as a result of a social process (social construction of race) that determines a particular group of persons for discrimination founded on perceptions of differences in physiological characteristics. An illustration of a social construction of race highlights the different availabilities of sunlight across the world regions and human adaptations as the primary causes of the relative skin fairness or darkness (Scott, p.759).

A modern race conception, which is mainly based on economic and social presumptions, reflects the human understanding of biological differences. In the world today, an individual may perceive himself or herself as ‘white’ when he or she has relatively more melanin than another who is seen as ‘black’ (Rashid, p. 3). In Brazil, for instance, persons with more melanin in their skin may regard themselves ‘white' if they are middle-class citizens, but he is considered ‘black' another with relatively less melanin in his or her skin if he or she lacks proper education or wealth. Another portrayal of the social construction of race is the evolution in the naming of racial groups over time. Race is also a way of social identification or marking. As such, different labels are used at different times, for example, the name ‘negroid' attracted a common usage in the nineteenth century. The mark changed to ‘negro' in the wake of the twentieth century.

Ethnicity

Ethnicity refers to the shared cultural practices, beliefs and values of a group. These commonalities may include traditions, religion or even language (Karim, p. 163-64). The expression "ethnicity" is ambiguous to define as its use has evolved with time. What's more, similar to race, people might be identified or self-relate to ethnicities in unpredictable, even conflicting, ways. Ethnicity, comparable to race, remains a form of identification used by people and the society at large. Australia’s colonial history is the primary reason for the bigotry experienced today. The favored position of the colonizers has been kept up to the detriment of the Indigenous individuals and those from non-English talking foundations, and this has prompted a feeling of marginalization for the individuals who don't fit the generalization of the "average" Australian (Scott, p.762).

National Identity

Identity can be understood as a definition of one’s self from which one derives a feeling of self or personhood. It is generally found in day by day discussions and interactions. Identity is a continually developing process. Identity involves self-understanding and realization as well as an individual’s acknowledgement by others. It is not a symphonious process since there is need to think little of the battle engaged with manufacturing personalities and the strain characteristic in the way that many of us have different, deficient, divided notwithstanding clashing identities (Calhoun, 1994).

National identity refers to all the characteristics, genuine or nonexistent, with which Australian individuals view Australia. 'The quest for national identity calls for an accentuation and review of an Australian "story" which distinguishes a culture, and also foundations, held in like manner' (Kukathas, p. 178). The perspective in which the Australians view themselves in terms of the privileges of natives and an assortment of settler social customs, creating of a uniform national identity remains a mirage unless the thoughts on identity is redefined.

Ethnic identities appear to stay unchanged while national identity is a dynamic process. Ethnic identity should be comprehended not as a choice but as a social reality and the acknowledgment of ethnic, social independence. Particular personalities can't be framed to the detriment of the common national identities; however, it must be handled through a continuous interaction not the inconvenience of shared attributes and shared destiny (Scott, p.769).

Intersection of Race, Ethnicity and National Identity in Australia

The ethnic identity is a process that develops when a group accepts to encounter a feeling of (genuine or nonexistent) estrangement, foul play, uncalled for rejection from standard political open deliberation of citizenship and national identity. Patriotism in control is frequently a harsh belief system requiring strict adherence to the official stipulations of the Australian national constitution. The constitution guards not only against the undesirable social behaviors, but also control against the alternative personal or group identity principles and formations that competes the Australian national values or identity (Brown, p. 71).

Australia is one of the nations that effectively look for foreigner laborers. Australian immigration policy limited the development of national identity by barring individuals perceived as excessively extraordinary. Jordens 1995 contends that the immigration policies aimed at completing the assimilation of non-British workers and revoke their unmistakable societies and ways of life. He includes that the process of creating social distinctions between the Aboriginal communities, new immigrants and encouraging social relations of transients was to a great extent left to ethnic associations and administration.

The rise of mixed identities poses a strong challenge to the pre-existent cultural and racial prejudice. The futility of the Australian government’s attempts to identify indigenous community from Asian communities is attributed to the concerted efforts of the Aboriginal-Asians to retrace their cultural heritage.

Different groups of Aboriginal-Asian origin have underscored their Aboriginality as opposed to their 'other-culture' identities. A few people and groups of mixed extractions culture have marked down their indigenous cultures due to a feeling of embarrassment. Others would feel defiant or act in ways that go against their traditional social taboos: "it was a no-no back them [sic] days to wed out of your tribal zone" (Ramsay, p. 268). Many people of mixed race were secluded from their indigenous heredity on account of a reluctance of the relatives and families to talk about these issues with their children. A section of indigenous Asian families chooses to conceal or hide their 'other-culture' lineage, along these lines delimiting the capacity of future ages to relate to that piece of their identity.

Predominant philosophies and authoritative obstructions have demonstrated essential determinants influencing how Aboriginal-Asian individuals culturally and socially self-distinguish, yet different elements have additionally assumed a critical part (Ramsay, p. 204). The environment of upbringing, rural or urban, plays an essential role in social identity among the indigenous Asian people. Ramsay observed that the Torres Strait Islander and the Aboriginal peoples of Asian origin who were raised in rural regions tend to prefer more identification with their Asian family line.

Many factors contribute to the adoption and conceptions of Aboriginal social identity. Historically, indigenous people who have lived in the rural settings have endeavored to avoid the monitoring and control by the government by minimizing their association with the ‘white’ town’s people. Aboriginal populations have faced a lot of pressure to relinquish their cultural identities (Ramsay, p. 208). The ostracisation and marginalization of Aboriginal individuals from interest inside the more extensive group, at last, prompted the support and articulation of a particular indigenous identity.

Indeed, even in situations where previous controls and government strategies have blocked any individual learning of their traditional identities, Aboriginals are progressively scrutinizing their genealogy and are determined to embrace their Asian parentage. Other Aboriginal-Asian people have attempted to trace and reconnect with their relatives in Asia (Van Dijk, p. 40).

In the recent time, Asian and Indigenous couples may experience rejection of their multifaceted unions, even from their communities. At different circumstances, notwithstanding, such associations are acknowledged and accepted. A documentary on Darwin filmed in 2012 reflected the nature of Chinese-Aboriginal relational unions. It aimed at establishing the different components that drove individuals of contrasting foundations to enter various relational unions, and how the Anglo-Celtic, Indigenous and Chinese people reacted to these connections (Rashid, p. 3). Apparently, the play met a mixed reception. Such reactions are characteristic of the developing enthusiasm for mixed race and 'poly-social' groups, and the shifting routes in which these individuals arrange their diverse subject positions.

The Muslim people group is still seen as the 'Other.' This continues despite the public knowledge that majority of the Muslims in Australia were born in Australia and therefore have Australia as their original homeland. (Karim, p. 163-64) declares that children are raised in a way that certainly or unequivocally recognizes Muslim as the 'Other', uncouth, lowlife, fear monger, primitive and an awful person and when they are dynamic natives they encounter serious social seclusion (from the 'Other') and can distinguish the 'Other', the terrible person.

Following the Bali bombings and the September 11 terrorist attacks, the Australian Islamic people have continued to experience identity problems. Australian Islam community has continued to grapple with consequence and perceptions of being a Muslim in the twenty-first century. At the same time, Muslims in Australia face difficulties in absolving themselves from the radicalization influences and stereotypes of Islamist radicals. They have to react to the earnestness and surrender their guarded mentality, collaborate with common establishments and media; generally, the internal looking state of mind and habitual pettiness will estrange them all the more encouraging into social issues inside the group (Rashid, p. 3).

The moderately late acknowledgment of the developed idea of formation of identities has driven many individuals to recover parts of their personalities they were in the past alienated from. Recent patterns try to problematize and challenge the inferred essentialism of terms. For example, 'white,' 'Dark,' 'Asian,' and 'Aboriginal' have worked in conjunction with the current disrupting of racially and socially fixed identities for an affirmation of more flexible subject positions (Bin-Sallik, p. 45).

Conclusion

Race, ethnicity and national identity remain a contentious issue within the context of Australia. A country whose populace is composed of immigrants, Aboriginal-Asians among other groups, Australia’s identity and culture is an amalgam. Though attributed mainly to the former colonial establishment through their discriminative treatment of non-whites, the institution of racism and racialization has undermined the national identities of several social groups in Australia. Discrimination along racial and ethnic lines in politics and public life often result in loss of nationhood and national identity. Government policies on land and employment, for example, have widened the strife along racial and ethnic lines. These, coupled with other forms of alienation, threaten the peaceful coexistence of the people living in Australia.

References

Bin-Sallik, M., Blomeley, N., Flowers, R. and Hughes, P., 1994. Review and analysis of literature relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education. Canberra: Department of Employment Education and Training.

Brown, G., 2002. Political bigamy?: Dual citizenship in Australia's migrant communities. People and place, 10(1), p.71.

Calhoun, C.J., 1994. Social theory and the politics of identity.

Jordens, A.M., 1995. Redefining Australians: immigration, citizenship, and national identity. Hale & Iremonger.

Kukathas, C., 1997. Cultural toleration. Nomos, 39, pp.69-104.

Ramsay, G.M., 2000. The family and cultural identity in aborigines and Torres Strait islanders of Chinese ancestry: A rural-urban divide. Journal of Family Studies, 6(2), pp.199-213.

Rashid, T., 2007. Configuration of national identity and citizenship in Australia: Migration, ethnicity and religious minorities. Ethnicity and Religious Minorities, Alternatives, 6(2&), p.3.

Scott, J.W., 1991. The evidence of experience. Critical inquiry, 17(4), pp.773-797.

Scott, W.A., 1991. Psychological bases of national identity. ed. Price, Charles A. Australian National Identity, Canberra: The Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.

Van Dijk, T.A., 1997. Political discourse and racism: Describing others in Western parliaments. The language and politics of exclusion: Others in discourse, 2, pp.31-64.